In his May 4th column in the Washington Post, "Obama owes thanks, and an apology, to CIA interrogators," former White House speechwriter Marc Thiessen observed, "in normal times, the officials who uncovered the intelligence that led us to Osama bin Laden would get a medal. In the Obama administration, they have been given subpoenas."
I would submit that in normal times, Mr. Thiessen's column would have offered an interesting albeit primarily subjective perspective on the issue of interrogation doctrine. In the current context surrounding the finding, fixing and finishing of Osama bin Laden, it instead co-opts a critical discussion with partisan rhetoric, and does so insidiously by conflating disparate facts to fit an unsubstantiated position.
While Mr. Thiessen is correct regarding President Obama's action to end the CIA's interrogation program, he failed to disclose that the president concomitantly established the High-Value Detainee Interrogation Group (HIG), which brought together and re-focused the personnel and resources of several agencies within the U.S. Intelligence Community, including the FBI, CIA and Department of Defense. Not only was this a prudent move to instill much-needed discipline into an interrogation effort that had fallen into entropy, it also took the bold - if long overdue - step of creating a robust research capability that has already begun to provide policy makers and operators alike with an unprecedented, evidence-based understanding of the complex dynamic that is interrogation. Through this synergy of science and objective field research, the type of anecdotal arguments Mr. Thiessen offers will be quickly dismissed in light of a more meaningful understanding of the craft's complexities.
Not surprisingly, this organizational redress failed to stem the vociferous debate over the efficacy and suitability of coercive interrogation methods as national policy. Today, the renewed interest issues from the many conflicting reports covering the intelligence puzzle that led SEAL Team Six to a secure compound in Abbottabad. That a man of Mr. Thiessen's obvious intellectual talent could draw such a faulty nexus between the more coercive elements of the "enhanced interrogation" paradigm and the successful raid speaks volumes about how little the public -- and most public officials -- understand about either the intelligence process or the nature of interrogation.
Leon Panetta, director of the Central Intelligence Agency, offered his belief that information obtained from CIA interrogation programs provided a vital link in locating bin Laden. It is important to note -- as this is where Mr. Thiessen's premise begins to unravel -- that Mr. Panetta never once suggested the waterboard, or any other coercive method, had been key to eliciting this information. It must be understood that while such condemnable practices were an inherent component of the enhanced interrogation model, CIA interrogators primarily employed the type of systematic, intelligence-driven questioning that forms the basis for all interrogation.
It remains to be seen if the public, or the Intelligence Community, will ever know with certainty if coercive measures played a direct or meaningful role in obtaining the intelligence necessary to find the al Qaeda figurehead. What can be established with confidence, however, are the following indisputable facts:
• The sole objective of interrogation is to elicit reliable, comprehensive and timely information stored in the memory of a detainee.
• Scientific literature is unequivocal in demonstrating how coercive interrogation methods - including sleep deprivation, dietary manipulation, threats and extended isolation - are likely to substantially diminish an individual's ability to recall information reliably, comprehensively and expeditiously.
• Alternative approaches (most notably the cognitive interview model now employed in the United Kingdom and Singapore and which is currently the focus of robust research in this country) exist that not only avoid creating circumstances that can undermine memory, but also demonstrably enhance the accuracy and scope of memory.
• Exploring the fullness of an individual's knowledgeability (the complete scope of information they possess) simply cannot be accelerated through methods that induce compliance (which, in the vernacular of resistance to interrogation training, connotes being forced to act against one's will, most commonly to make false confessions or produce propaganda). Rather, it requires a useful level of cooperation wherein the individual not only correctly answers the questions posed, but also offers to address areas of knowledge the interrogator did not presume they possessed.
• A fundamental organizing principle of interrogation is that cooperation is something than can only be fostered and often requires time and patience. It most definitely cannot be forced through coercion, which invariably engenders deeper levels of resistance.
The "ticking time bomb" scenario, an exceedingly rare event, has long taken center stage in the debate over the employment of coercion. What led the SEAL team to bin Laden has now assumed a similar level of fixation. The operational truth that all too often falls on the deaf ears of the public and policymakers alike is that interrogation will rarely prove to be the vaunted silver bullet in the former case, but can be indispensable in the latter. Interrogation is fundamentally a tool, one that, with a sophisticated appreciation for its strengths and weaknesses, may serve as a focal point of intelligence collection or in a peripherally supporting role. Because there is a broad set of circumstances where interrogation may be of marginal value, the U.S. spends billions annually on an array of technical intelligence collection and advanced analytical systems.
Despite this fact, the debate continues to hover around authorizing or outlawing coercive interrogation practices. This, then, begs a simple question: if the safety of a city or the location of a wanted terrorist balance solely on whether or not a detainee is tortured, shouldn't the American people demand an in-depth audit of how those funds are being invested?
Steven Kleinman is a senior strategist on national security with The Soufan Group. He has over 26 years of experience in human intelligence, strategic interrogation, special operations and counterterrorism.
Dr. Faheem Younus: Muhammad Never Tortured Prisoners of War
Robert P. Jones, Ph.D.: American Mythology in a Post-Bin Laden World
William Bradley: In the Shadow of bin Laden: The California Connection
The only argument left is hypothetical. Aphorisms like "the ends don't justify the means" and "do unto others as you would have them do unto you" may be simplistic, but are more valuable than asserting that torture has any practical benefit and additionally are simply the reasonable backbone to the fact that there is no good evidence that torture gets results. If that is the case, it is unreasonable to sacrifice the international reputation and moral standing of the US.
Unfortunately, it's too late - http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/canadian-court-dismisses-appeal-to-extradite-terror-suspect-to-us-on-terrorism-charges/2011/05/06/AFUoAOBG_story.html
In the absence of all of the data -- the most reasonable approach is to consider plausible events in which severe time constraint is an essential condition. This is the essence of risk management.
Again, better to communicate that any instance where torture is used will be transparent after the fact, and the participants will be held accountable and expected to justify their actions.
If an assassin misses his target, but accidentally kills another assasin who was about to pull the trigger, do you pin a medal on his chest?
Torture is wrong, regardless of what comes from it. This is ethics-101 stuff. It was astonishing that the previous administration was advocating otherwise.
If its OK to torture on the chance that it may save thousands, then is it still OK to torture if it might save hundreds? dozens? one person? an embryo? a pet? See the problem?
If you're Christian, then ask yourself the question "What would Jesus Do". I just can't picture him recommending torture, under any circumstances.
With regard to waterboarding, I'm assuming its torture and thus immoral. And you're right, maybe in that situation I too would authorize torture, because again, I'm a mere mortal. But I would never claim it was moral or even legal.
I believe that there are things people are willing to die for. I believe that many have died for ideas. Having the integrity to die for something like this is, I would admit, a tall order. But it's one that I hope I would be able to stand up to.
In the end, we're all ending up in the ground, even our spouses and kids. In the end, what matters is how you lived, not how long. There's a point where I just have to draw the line. I aspire to draw that line based on asking myself questions like WWJS. But I often fall short. I'm not proud of that. But at least I don't spin it us as being OK somehow.
Are we law abiding or not?
Are there other questions? If so, why?
http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/plum-line/post/john-mccain-to-bush-apologists-stop-lying-about-bin-laden-and-torture/2011/03/03/AF10AnzG_blog.html
With absolute 100% certainty? No. Because anything can be possible. But the Law or Probability and every scientific experiment conducted in this field, and everyone who has seen torture used all say the same thing...it doesn't work. So the probability that any useful information was gathered that helped in the US find bin Laden is so extremely small as to be absolutely useless. I know that there will be idiots who will argue that the only reason that al Mosawi or whatever his name was began to co-operate was because he had been water-boarded 183 times and was afraid it would happen again but that would be an absurd conclusion, which is what the people who love torture always conclude in spite of the evidence. I am clear that as someone who used to be an aggressor in the escape and evasion training for Vietnam what it is like to see this type of interrogation being used. All it took was one time and I never captured another trainee again. It was abhorrent. The people who were doing the interrogation were getting far too much pleasure out of it.
No, the objective of Cheney/Rumsfeld'-style 'interrogation' is brutalization. Or to use a word in common currency at the time, 'payback'.
There were reliable reports that when GITMO prisoners were first brought to the compound they were forced to watch a film of prisoners being forces at gunpoint by guards to sodomize eathother. What legitimate purpose did that serve? A woman interrogator was reported reaching between her legs and smearing menstrual blood on the victim... i mean the prisoner. What legitimate purpose did that serve? You can dress it up in fancy clinical names but its nothing but sadism.
We can be better than that. We should be better than that.
Listen to this powerful anti-torture song by NYC singer-songwriter-playwright David Ippolito.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u_aTbznZDT0
Given this very plausible trade-off -- i would save the thousands or tens of thousands of American lives at the expense of an individual attempting mass murder.
It does not matter whether such techniques were helpful or not-and chances are, we'll never know the full truth of the matter. Rather, there are certain lines that it is not acceptable to cross. An "ends justifies the means" attitude endangers us all, and flies in the face of the founding principle of America-that of fundamental constitutional rights which cannot be abrogated at all for any reason.
I know a lot of ex-soldiers, going back to WWII; including Korea, Vietnam, Gulf War I, Gulf War II, and Afghanistan. Most say that they oppose torture; they want their enemies to feel quite comfortable with the idea of surrender. After all, a guy who figures he either will be executed or tortured or both might just figure its better to at least take one with him.