President Obama was right when he said "democracy demands" that all wars must end. Last month, he reaffirmed he wants to move America "off a permanent war footing" in his State of the Union address. Now is the time for senior Pentagon officials to explain the steps they'll take to get us there.
Turkish Prime Minister Erdoğan's visit to Iran last month symbolized a pivot toward Tehran and a shift in Ankara's Middle East foreign policy.
Amidst the turmoil that has ensued throughout post-Mubarak Egypt, al-Qaeda has established a stronghold in the Sinai from where jihadists routinely target Egypt and Israel.
Declaring a desire to stand "shoulder to shoulder" with Iran in combating terrorism, and driven by Turkey's evolving policy toward Syria, Erdoğan's trip highlighted Ankara and Tehran's tendency to pursue mutual interests when their paths cross.
Generating a General Assembly resolution to support humanitarian relief and encouraging states to pursue humanitarian remedies at least isolates Putin and Assad from the will of the world and yields at least broad moral authority to act.
This Fall, the Sahel region has become a center of international attention with the United Nations calling its security situation "alarming" and deploying 12,600 peacekeepers to stabilize the region. This aid is desperately needed.
While some Republicans are wont to decry anti-Guantanamo liberals as "anti-American," the only anti-American thing in this debate is Guantanamo itself. For it goes against everything our nation professes to respect and love.
So what explains Obama's detachment or even apathy towards the instability and violence engulfing the region? And why is the second term president so restrained in the absence of reelection worries?
The tendency in the United States to blame "sectarian conflict" and "long-simmering hatreds" for the violence in Iraq is effectively blaming the victims and avoids acknowledging the U.S. role in the ongoing tragedy.
Even as Hamas gradually restores its relationship with Iran and Hezbollah, some of its officials still wave the Free Syrian Army (FSA) flag.
We are an America that, right now, is reluctant to fully embrace a world leadership role, but not quite ready to abandon it. We're far from isolationist, but we're not that interested in policing the world either.
His words describing the situation of Syrian refugees and all the aid and support Iran was giving them almost brought tears to people's eyes. What he failed to say was that these millions of refugees were forced to leave their homes because of Tehran's stance.
The Saudis now fear that if the Syrian civil war is allowed to continue it will eventually reach its own territory. And given the manner in which the fundamentalist jihadis are spreading it is not an impossibility. All the reason more to stop this war sooner rather than later.
What are America's long-term strategic objectives? Relative U.S. decline has created a paradox: by exposing America's growing inability to underpin the international system, it has also cast greater light on the (present) inability of any other country or coalition to replace the U.S. in that role.
After some time out of the news, Egypt has reemerged as perhaps the administration's greatest foreign policy failure. Washington has proved impotent in the face of political revolution, Islamist activism, and military repression.
With the recent and symbolic fall, again, of Falluja to al-Qa'ida and other jihadis we are forcefully reminded of the price that we paid in the American cleansing of Falluja ten years ago -- for naught. Falluja, massively damaged, seems back to square one.