To call Daesh the "Islamic State," "ISIL," or "ISIS" are poor strategic choices. Those labels are part of Daesh's international psychological operations campaign to create the perception that Islam is a monolith and that they speak for it, which fits nicely with their political goal of building their own state and recruiting fighters to help them do so.
Peter Bergen wants everyone to chill out about terrorism. As he soberly explained at Civic Hall for the New America Foundation, of which he is a direc...
Successful test of the Hatf-5B Pakistan ballistic missile In recent years the concern over nuclear proliferation has centered on Iran's ongoing effo...
Riyadh's decision to execute Sheikh Nimr Baqir al-Nimr at the start of this month, the Iranian response, and the political fallout have raised the Middle East's sectarian temperatures to the highest level since the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s.
Morocco has earned a particular expression of gratitude lately because of what its government has accomplished just this year alone in our joint battle against radical Islam.
If we're to accept George Santayana's dictum that those who forget the past are "condemned to repeat it," the U.S. should be extremely cautious about who we're arming and the deadly long-term effects that could easily blowback to the American homeland.
Most Americans seem to agree that the world would be a better place without extremist groups like ISIS and Al-Qaeda. Unfortunately, rather than having a substantive conversation on solutions, talking heads in the media resort to hateful rhetoric and fear-mongering.
I've got some good news for you, General Public: You don't need to be afraid of your Salafi neighbors. Sure, ISIS is scary (that's their goal), and al Qaeda is violent and intently inhumane, but we don't need to paint all Salafis with that broad jihadi brush.
The share of the Pentagon budget which goes into fighting ISIS and international terrorism is a fundamentally unknowable fact, like how God passed the time before creating the world. The question is intrinsically outside the scope of human knowledge.
Despite the harsh rhetoric regarding violent military solutions to the war in Syria, a space to negotiate with the enemy always exists.
As the U.S. tries to pen down a draft AUMF law to take on the Islamic State group and those it classifies as its affiliates, it's clear that armed groups in Syria and Iraq are observing any alliances made with the U.S.
Saddam Hussein in the 1990s and currently Bashar al-Assad -- the heads of the Baath party in Iraq and Syria -- both played the religious card. However, Baathist doctrine in Iraq and Syria is basically irreligious. The Saudis are using religion as their excuse now, labeling the recent mass executions as preserving their religion when they are actually a message to frighten their citizens into submission.
The stark reality is that American policies over the past year have substantially strengthened al-Qaeda. Some of the Obama administration's actions in Syria have materially increased its operational capability.
As the 25th anniversary of Desert Storm rolls around, historians are finally beginning to question whether this short-term victory was really a long-term triumph.
The conflict between the Sunni-majority Saudis and the Shiite-majority Iranians is not about theology. It's a battle for supremacy between the two most powerful countries in the region.
It was as if Saudi Arabia executed yet another terrorist when Foreign Minister Adel Jubeir announced the severing of ties with Iran.