Most Americans are justly proud of our role in the world. We are a nation that has profoundly shaped the global order with our unrivaled political, economic, technological and military strength.
This notion of American exceptionalism is a central part of our identity and our history. It has been articulated in many ways, from Abraham Lincoln's "last, best hope" for freedom to John F. Kennedy's pledge to "pay any price, bear any burden" to protect liberty, to Ronald Reagan's evocation of a "shining city on a hill." We are proud of our pledge to provide "liberty and justice for all."
We think of ourselves as the world's indispensable nation. The idea that America is uniquely qualified to lead enjoys widespread support, sometimes even to the point of conceit. We don't always live up to our own hype. Our imperfections are apparent as we strive for a more perfect union. But we do have a good story to tell.
Those who support the idea of American exceptionalism have a wide range of substantive views about what it means for America's role in the world, however.
Some people suggest we should step back, take care of our own problems and let others carry the burdens and do the fighting; some even advocate a kind of isolationism. Others have a boundless view of America's power and responsibility, suggesting we should intervene often to establish peace and democracy.
So the question becomes: What should American exceptionalism mean?
From my perspective, American exceptionalism would mean that we try to make the world a safer, freer, more prosperous place. We should help when and where we can. We should be first in line to respond to humanitarian disasters. We should make every effort to lessen tensions between nations, reduce conflict, increase well-being and build consensus behind proposals to improve the quality of life for all.
We should promote a foreign policy that presents America to the world as a benign force, not merely for our own self-interest but for all.
American exceptionalism would recognize that we cannot solve the world's problems alone and that we cannot pour our resources into every challenging place and problem. From a list of the major problems of the planet -- a list that would include nuclear proliferation, climate change, inequality and more -- it is clear that we can't solve them by ourselves.
Without help and cooperation with partner nations, peace, development and the extension of freedom would be elusive. American exceptionalism would seek international assistance and global cooperation. It would strengthen international institutions that can help prevent and resolve conflicts.
American exceptionalism would require being smart in how we use our unparalleled military might. It would understand that the military is not the right tool for every job. It would not reach for the gun too quickly but would use force only as a last resort.
American exceptionalism would deploy vigorous diplomacy. While it can't settle every conflict, diplomacy can be a valuable tool, and it is the right place to start. Far better, as Winston Churchill was quoted as saying, to "jaw-jaw than to war-war."
American exceptionalism would protect our core interests, including the security of our citizens and the strength of our economy and culture. It would be true to our values, which include supporting freedom, promoting opportunity for all and protecting security both at home and abroad.
American exceptionalism would be prudent about what we can and can't accomplish, exercising a mix of idealism and pragmatism. It would mean that we strengthen the power of our example by keeping our own house in order and by constantly committing our energy, effort and resources to realize our ideals, at home and abroad.
American exceptionalism would accept the necessity of our worldwide role and recognize that, if we don't step forward, other nations are not likely to do so.
American exceptionalism would mean that we show we are an exceptional nation rather than just talk about it.
American exceptionalism would promote liberty and justice for all without smugness and with recognition that we have no monopoly on wisdom and virtue. But it would come with a certain confidence that, despite an unending list of tensions, tumult and tragedy, we can contribute to a safer and more prosperous world.